Rural Towns Have Polluted Water. Will Trump’s Plan Fix It?

The Daily Escape:

Valley of Desolation, Eastern Cape, South Africa – 2018 photo by Ottho Heldring

The Trump infrastructure plan asks states and cities to partner with private equity to build their roads, bridges and water treatment plants. As the WSJ explains, private equity says they are not interested. Apparently, they don’t want to build things; they prefer to purchase existing assets: (emphasis by Wrongo)

Fund managers say they are mainly looking for assets that are already privately owned—such as renewable energy, railroads, utilities and pipelines—and not the deteriorating government-owned infrastructure like roads and bridges that helped attract the capital in the first place. To the extent they are interested in public assets, the focus is more likely to be on privatizing existing infrastructure than on new development—the heart of Mr. Trump’s push.

One area where private equity may think they have a role to play is with America’s threatened water systems, which are existing assets. When people think of water crises, they think of places like Flint, Michigan, because a failed urban water system affects huge numbers of people. If you’re worried about the quality of your drinking water, take a look at https://waterfilterway.com/.

But most health-based violations of drinking-water standards occur in small towns. Of the 5,000 US drinking-water systems that racked up health-based violations in 2015, more than 50% were systems that served 500 people or fewer.

But when we add up the total number of people affected, rural America’s drinking-water situation is an order of magnitude greater than Flint’s. Millions of rural Americans are subject to unhealthy levels of contaminants in their drinking water, largely from agriculture and coal mining.

And as the rural/urban economic gap grows, this basic inequality won’t get fixed unless something radical is done to improve water quality in rural America.

Agriculture is the culprit in many rural towns, and unhealthy levels of nitrates is the primary cause. Nitrogen-based fertilizer runs off of farmlands and into the nation’s fresh water. The health impact of ingesting nitrates is serious:

  • Two-thirds of communities with nitrate levels at or above 5 ppm are in 10 states where agriculture is big business.
  • Almost three-fourths of communities whose drinking water is at or above the legal limit are found in just five states – Arizona, California, Kansas, Oklahoma and Texas.

Remediation costs vary, but a 2012 report from the Center for Watershed Sciences at UC Davis gives a yardstick. They say that a community of just under 5,000 people could incur annual costs ranging from $195,000 to $1.1 million to build and operate an ion exchange system, while a reverse osmosis system would cost from $1.1 million to $4 million a year. A $4 million system would cost $800 per citizen.

These costs may be far beyond the ability of small towns to finance. What is really going on here is another case of “socializing losses”. Farms are polluting the water, and the town is left to pay for remediation. And the big agriculture lobbies are making sure that their members avoid any liability for poisoning their towns.

We know that we haven’t been able to fund Flint’s water remediation with public funds. How will we deal with the rest of America’s polluted drinking water? It isn’t likely that towns and cities can do much more. Some cities have debt capacity, the capital markets may be willing to lend to them. However, hostility to new taxes on the local level means that issuing new debt is difficult politically for mayors and town councils.

Trump’s infrastructure plan opens up the Clean Water State Revolving Fund (CWSRF). This federal financial assistance program for water infrastructure projects would allow private firms to both manage and repair water infrastructure at taxpayer’s expense. Previously, only states and municipalities could access the fund.

Funneling CWSRF funds to private water system providers means our most vulnerable towns will have to turn over basic infrastructure to for-profit companies. And those companies will charge for the privilege. On average, private for-profit water utilities charge households 59% more than local governments charge for drinking water, an extra $185 a year.

When your water is poisoning you, should you agree to raise water rates to fix it, or do you expect to get pure water for the money you are already paying?

What if you are unable to move to a place where the water is safe?

If your water system will cost $ millions for a town of 500, how can it possibly be paid for, except by public funding?

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Socializing The Losses: Part Infinity

The Wrongologist often writes about privatizing profits and socializing losses, a system where businesses and individuals can benefit from the profits earned by their business, while the public gets stuck with the consequences, the long-term bill. Governments all over America play into this, from doing deals to bring or keep jobs in the state, to underwriting the costs of sports areas, to building infrastructure when a new business comes to town.

Here is another object lesson in socializing the losses. Some towns in North Dakota (ND) are beginning to worry about the debt that they have incurred to build infrastructure to support the boom in shale oil production.

Oil Price reports that oil production in ND exploded in the past five years to well over a million barrels/day, making North Dakota the second largest oil producing state in the country. The likely fallout from the recent fall in oil prices may have serious financial side effects for ND’s towns.

Consider Williston, ND, a town in the center of the shale oil patch that finds itself planning for the worst. The town is deciding how to cope with $300 million in debt, money it borrowed to build infrastructure to meet the rapid growth of people and equipment working in the oil patch. That meant building new roads, schools, and a water-treatment plant, all of which were paid for by the city. The debt was expected to be repaid from increased sales and real estate taxes that suddenly may not be flowing into local and state coffers.

Williams County Commissioner Dan Kalil told NPR that he fears the town has overreached and won’t recover quickly, as global demand for oil is expected to grow slowly over the next few years, and shale oil prices may not bounce back to the mid-2014 levels. He may be correct. Production is down about 5% from its all-time high of 1.2 million barrels per day in December 2014. But more declines are expected with drillers pulling rigs and crews from the field. Rig counts in ND have fallen to 76, far below the 130 that state officials believe is needed to keep production flat.

And ND is experiencing the negative side effects of an oil boom. The huge increase in drilling brought a wave of cash and people to once sleepy towns, fueling a boom not only in oil, but also in crime, prostitution, and drug trafficking. Consider that Williston went from a population of 14,000 in the 2010 census to an estimated 24,000 in 2014.

On June 3rd, the US DOJ, in conjunction with ND’s Attorney General, announced the creation of a “strike force” that would target organized crime in the state. The effort is a direct response to the rise in crime in the shale oil field towns in ND and Montana, which has been fueled by:

Dramatic influxes in the population as well as serious crimes, including the importation of pure methamphetamine from Mexico and multi-million dollar fraud and environmental crimes.

Too many people, too much money, too little economic security in the local economy. The weak oil players pull out, and the debt, crime and now unemployment, remain. And the towns and state government have to sweep up after the companies go.

That’s not all. The boom/bust cycle makes estimating the future population of Williston difficult. How many kids and spouses of oil field workers will settle permanently in the area? Does the school district build, or stand pat? Will more classrooms be paid for by more taxes, or will they be a money loser? In a boom, most oil field workers are temporary; towns need permanent residents in order to build schools.

Even if a semblance of the oil boom returns, and Williston attracts more workers who come to stay, Dan Kalil fears another boom would mean even more people, traffic and crime.

So, who pays? The taxpayers. The people who don’t pull out when the companies leave. The people who stay have to cover the hole in the budget, and tolerate fewer services when the money guys hit the road. Williston isn’t Detroit, but in both cases, the little people are left holding the bag.

Once again, a town makes a long-term investment, hoping for a return down the road in the form of increased sales taxes and property tax revenues. They sacrifice quality of life, looking for a return in the form of more and better jobs, and better house values. They pay higher prices for most things.

On the other hand, Williston’s Walmart is hiring at $17/hour.

But when you think about it, that is now a subsistence wage in Williston.

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