For the third time in a century, America might be asked to save Europeans from themselves.
As is evident in Congressâs unease, events are spiraling out of control in Ukraine. We are again getting drawn into Europeâs centuries-old propensity towards self-destruction. It is evident that Europe seems unwilling and/or unable to contain the geo-political ambitions of Vladimir Putin. It is also evident in the European Unionâs (EUâs) stand-off with Greece, which grows uglier by the day. And Greeceâs overtures to the Russians make the situation possibly even more alarming.
After WWII, America helped rebuild Europe. That provided the early foundations for the unprecedented period of European stability and prosperity that has followed. Is Europe willing to throw that away? Our global role raises many questions for Americaâs policy makers:
⢠Are the Europeans being careless with their hard-won peace and prosperity?
⢠What is our strategy with Ukraine and Russiaâs aggression?
⢠What is our strategy for the greater Middle East, including Israel, Iran and ISIS?
⢠What about China?
All of these questions are on the table as the Obama administration seeks a new Authorization for the Use of Military Force (AUMF) against ISIS this week. It is particularly relevant that the Obama administration released its new National Security Strategy (NSS) last Friday. It was greeted by Republicans with disdain. Given the major issues we face throughout the world, most thought it should have been more concrete in its outline of strategy.
It isnât often that an administrationâs own recently retired top official would blast the NSS. Former Army Lt. Gen. Michael Flynn, who retired last year as director of the Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA), said on Fox News Sunday:
We need a much broader strategy that recognizes that weâre facing not just this tactical problem of ISIS in Iraq and Syria…Weâre facing a growing, expanding threat around the world…
Itâs normal for any presidentâs political opposition to deride a new NSS. And no NSS is likely to be compared to Sun Tzuâs Art of War. Flynn, who led the DIA for two years under Obama, has some credibility. He used the analogy of a quarterback leading a football team down the field:
I feel like when we say âready, break,â every player on the team is going off into other stadiums, playing different sports…
By contrast, the administration is describing their approach as âstrategic patienceâ â signaling that they intend to avoid any substantial commitments (at least involving any direct military presence on the ground) for the next two years. This codifies Mr. Obamaâs âleading from behindâ as at the core of US strategy.
Strategic Patience brings along with it a very high Wimp factor. But should it be dismissed out of hand as weakness, or as a simplistic attempt to avoid foreign policy commitments? The Wrongologist has written before about the urge to âdo somethingâ. This is called the âPoliticianâs Syllogismâ, a logical fallacy:
1. We have to do something
2. This is something
3. Therefore, we have to do this.
We hear this most Sunday mornings on âBloviating with Old Politiciansâ, featuring John McCain. In fact, Sen. McCainâs wingman, Sen. Graham, launched the first strike against Obamaâs NSS, tweeting:
I doubt ISIL, the Iranian mullahs, or Vladimir Putin will be intimidated by President Obamaâs strategy of âStrategic Patience.â Lindsey Graham
Many other Republicans piled on during the next few days, but no one offered an alternative strategy.
Iran is far more important than Ukraine, which is more important than ISIS, which is a strategic side show. Short of ‘boots on the ground’ in Iraq, Syria, Yemen and Ukraine, what are the Republicans suggesting we do?
If Strategic Patience is acceptable for our adversaries like Russia or China, it should be acceptable for us. The realities of US resource allocation and the current balance of power dictate we focus on the long game, which may mean that saving Ukraine, or lives in Syria, wonât make it to the top of our list. The most important rule that Americaâs would-be interventionists must learn is that the âfirst do no harmâ doctrine must apply.
The amount of treasure the US has expended on foreign interventions since 2001 is irreplaceable. We could have covered the Mojave in solar thermal plants, and no longer need foreign oil. We could have completely renovated our transportation infrastructure. We could have built a high speed Internet across the US for what we spent on what are now piles of junk and wrecked installations in the Middle East, not to forget the wrecked lives of our soldiers and their loved ones.
US politicians and foreign policy elites really must resist the urge to âdo somethingâ in response to every perceived foreign policy crisis.